How Parties have Adapted to Change – Cadre Party
How Parties Have Adapted to Change – The Mass Membership Party
How Parties Have Adapted to Change – The Catch-All Party
How Parties Have Adapted to Change – The Cartel Party
Theories of Party Systems -The Frozen Party System
Theories of Party Systems – The Downs Model
Theories of Party Systems – Satori
How do voters decide who to vote for
How do voters decide who to vote for – The Michigan Studies
How do voters decide who to vote for – Social Class
How do voters decide who to vote for – Partisan Dealignment
Electoral Geography of Great Britain
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Conservatives
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Labour
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Liberals
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Plaid Cymru
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – SNP
Electoral Geography in Great Britain – UKIP
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Green Party
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – Respect
Electoral Geography of Great Britain – BNP
General Election Campaign – Choosing the Date
General Election Campaign – The Media
General Election Campaigns – Three types of Media
General Election Campaigns – Opinion Polls
General Election Campaigns – turn-out
Why did people vote the way they did – Social Class
Why did people vote the way they did – Housing Tenure
Why did people vote the way they did – Age
Why did people vote the way they did – Gender
After Lipset and Rokkan and Sartori, the attention of political scientists shifted to trying to explain the increased volatility of party systems across Europe in terms of shifts of voters between parties and the growth of new parties.
Following a period of stability in the 1950s and 1960s, and the dominance of centre-right and centre-left parties, a range of green, left, extreme right, populist right and regional parties have gained support, without replacing the traditional parties as the largest parties in the system.
Despite this, no major new theory of party systems has been put forward. Increased volatility has been explained as a result of the decline of the old cleavage structures that Lipset and Rokkan outlined.
The most important contributions have come from Gordon Smith who examines volatility and how we decide whether party systems have fundamentally changed (Journal of Theoretical Politics, Vol. 1 No. 3, 1989) and Peter Mair who looks again at what a party system is and at the different levels of party system, national, regional, local, electoral and parliamentary (L.Bardi and P. Mair Party Politics vol.14 No 2, 2008).
In the 1951 general election 97% of voters supported either the Labour or Conservative Party and 83% of those on the electoral register voted so that the two main parties had the support of 80% of the electorate.
In the 2010 general election 65% of voters supported either the Labour or the Conservative Party and 65% of those on the electoral register voted so that the two main parties had the support of 42% of electorate.
The two main parties still dominate and the Liberals were particularly weak in 1951 but, even so, there has been a considerable change in party support over time.
The main changes have been :-
Britain, therefore, now has a more complicated multi-party system although the first past the post electoral system limits its impact. At the national level a Labour or Conservative Government with a majority in Parliament is able to do soon the basis of the support of quite a small proportion of the electorate thus affecting its legitimacy.
Even with first past the post, there is now a block of 50-100 MPs who are not from the two main parties. This means that either Labour or the Conservatives need a larger lead over the other to get a majority in Parliament to overcome this.
The party system is even more complicated at other levels. There are now European and regional, as well as the normal local elections, where the smaller parties can compete and win because of lower turnout so that they only have to mobilise their supporters or because of local factors. (Philip Lynch and Robert Garner cover the topic well in Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 58 No 3, 2005)
The most significant development of ideas to explain the new patterns of party competition is that of Bonnie Meguid. She defines at least some of the new parties as niche parties which have the following characteristics compared with mainstream parties:-
The mainstream parties can react to them by accommodating their issues or by taking an adversarial stance against them (American Political Science Review Vol. 99, No 3, 2005). Philip Lynch and Richard Whittaker provide a very good study of UKIP-Conservative competition which uses the niche/mainstream party idea and looks at the strategies used by the Conservatives to deal with UKIP (British Politics Vol. 8, No 3, 2013).