The UK’s unwritten constitution
Support for the unwritten constitution – the Whig view
Support for the unwritten constitution – the westminster model
Support for the Unwritten Constitution – From the 1970s
What is the British Constitution – Common Law
The Common Law – The Royal Prerogative
The British Constitution – Statute Law
The British Constitution – Constitutional Conventions
New Labour and Freedom of Information (FOI)
New Labour and Local Government
New Labour and Monetary Policy
New Labour and Political Parties
The traditional view is that Britain’s unwritten constitution changes gradually in order to adapt to social and political changes.
The reluctance of the Thatcher and Major Governments make changes may have led to a build-up of pressures when the Blair Government came to office but, even so, the changes since 1997 have been considerable and continued under the Coalition and Conservative governments.
Robert Hazell (Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 60 No. 1, 2007) argues that change has developed a dynamic of its own, beyond the original changes made by the Governments.
For example:-
Vernon Bogdanor ( Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 57 No. 4, 2004) argues that constitutional change happens as a result of political factors.
Devolution appeared as an issue before 1914 because of the need for Irish Party support in Parliament by the Liberal Government and after 1974 because the rise of the SNP threatened Labour’s electoral dominance in Scotland.
When the two party system was in place between 1935 and 1974, Labour and the Conservatives were able to alternate in running a system with a strong Executive and so neither had any interest in changing it.
The emergence of UKIP into the party system pushed the Conservative leadership into a referendum on Britain’s relationship with Europe. Some very short term political decisions have had constitutional effects.
The Liberal Democrats wanted a fixed term Parliament so that David Cameron, Conservative Prime Minister, could not call an election after a year or so if he thought from the opinion polls that the Conservatives would get a majority.
Tony Blair thought that the Lord Chancellor’s Department was inefficient and rushed out a press release before Christmas proposing to abolish it but the fall-out from this was to change the legal system.
Senior judges were on an away-day with civil servants when the announcement was made and, presumably out of reach of a mobile phone signal, had to crowd round the phone in the local pub to hear what the Government was proposing.
Writers have made two further and related criticisms of recent Constitutional change:
It is piecemeal with little thought about the connections between changes. Devolution has changed the nature of the unitary state and undermined the Westminster model with different policies being carried out in each nation but there is no thought, for example, as to what the implication are for the composition of a reformed House of Lords or the Supreme Court (there is no requirement to have a Welsh judge on the panel) . A state with new checks and balances between Europe, the Judiciary, Parliament and the Executive has emerged but there is no clear plan as to how all this is to work. Although first past the post continues in general elections, there four different proportional electoral systems for other types of elections.
There is no narrative as to what Constitutional Change is about. Blair had the idea of modernisation but this was too vague to give a clear explanation. Vernon Bogdanor (Political Quarterly Vol. 81 No. S1, 2010) makes the very important point that the constitutional changes have redistributed power between different elites in the key institutions but has not addressed the problem of decentralising power downwards to the people or addressed the disenchantment that there now is with the political system.